Sunday, April 19, 2026

Ben Tillman's Speech Supporting Autocratic Rule

Ben Tillman
Senator Ben Tillman

Autocrats must be brazen and overconfident. Even the wickedest autocrat must inspire dedicated supporters, and that requires them to convert voters into true believers. Tyrants must state a value system, no matter how corrupt that value system might be, explain policies to achieve their vile goals, and muster funding and acceptance. Autocrats of today – autocrats of the past – are all the same. At some point, they must show their motives. Thus, speaking to the United States Senate on March 23, 1900, South Carolina’s Benjamin Tillman said that the victims, not the perpetrators, created South Carolina’s voting rights riots. He never pretended to support the rights of nonwhite voters:
“It was the riots before the election, precipitated by their own hotheadedness in attempting to hold the government, that brought on conflicts between the races and caused the shotgun to be used.”
“Shotgun?” “Hotheadedness?” Wanting to exercise voting rights was hotheaded? What shameless word choices!

Shameless or not, the fight for white supremacy in the post-Civil War United States impelled white conservatives in the South to evade the 15th Amendment of the United States Constitution, suppress the African American vote, and establish a police state to maintain their rule. Such a massive project might or might not start with some kind of conspiracy, but its execution required public persuasion. Yes, Tillman’s views were autocratic, but he felt a need to justify his values. So, as his speech continued, Tillman denied that African Americans received the ballot after the Civil War “to protect themselves against the indignities and wrongs,” but only because radical members of Congress wanted to oppress white people. Indeed, Tillman literally insisted that African Americans, who would suffer the indignities of chattel slavery and the Ku Klux Klan, were the autocrats, while their shotgun-wielding white overlords were victims:
“I say that [the Negroes were given the ballot] because the Republicans of that day, led by Thad Stevens, wanted to put white necks under black heels and to get revenge.” [brackets added by historical editor]
So, to Tillman, putting “white necks under black heels” counted as oppression, while having black necks under white heels, seemed okay, I guess, and the idea that everybody should have equal rights evidently escaped Tillman entirely. White supremacy was his value system. Us versus them. White versus black. With that clarified, Tillman laid out the mathematical fact that letting African Americans vote would surely put them in power:
“In my State, there were 135,000 Negro voters, or Negroes of voting age, and some 90,000 or 95,000 white voters. General Canby set up a carpetbag government there and turned our State over to this majority. Now, I want to ask you, with a free vote and a fair count, how are you going to beat 135,000 to 95,000? How are you going to do it? You had set us an impossible task.”
Tillman’s twisted value system assumed, as if no argument could arise against it, that white rule was the only possible rule. Tillman rejected “a free vote and a fair count” because it contradicted his morally bent value system. Indeed, Tillman protested that the Radical Republicans, as they were called, had offered white people no choice:
“You had handcuffed us [and] thrown away the key, and you propped your carpet bag Negro government with bayonets. Whenever it was necessary to sustain the government, you held it up by the Army.”

Fannie Lou Hamer, "Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired," Gave a Voting Rights Speech in Narrative Style

Susan B. Anthony's Speech about the Right to Vote

 Although the 15th Amendment made it illegal to deny the right to vote on account of race, creed, or color, the former Confederate states and some Northern states accomplished the same purpose with subterfuges: unfair literacy tests, grandfather clauses, and off-the-books intimidation. There were always excuses, since it seemed reasonable to expect voters to be informed. These discriminatory practices continued well into the 1960s, and, as a Southerner myself, I can testify that they have, even to this day, not totally died. In fact, just now, there is talk of sending the National Guard to key voting sites, presumably to intimidate Latina/Latino voters.

The post-Civil War constitutional amendments – the 13th Amendment that freed the slaves, the 14th Amendment that provided for equal rights, and the 15th Amendment that guaranteed the right to vote, never sat well with conservatives. Anyone who follows the news, even today, can see that the 14th and 15th Amendments continued to anger American conservatives. The so-called SAVE Act currently under debate, which is based on the false premise that illegal immigrants are voting in large numbers, follows that path. Conservatives today, disturbed that women and racial minorities don’t always vote for them, invent seemingly reasonable requirements (voter ID, but with the ID requirements made absurdly bureaucratic, restricting mail voting, and so forth) when their obvious purpose is to tilt election outcomes. Although less intense than Tillman's shotgun, such moves surely remind us of the old Jim Crow literacy tests, which sounded so reasonable, but whose purpose was to oppress.

Thus, Benjamin Tillman delivered a clear, specific speech. With no hint of conscience, he insisted that voter suppression was the only way to obtain white supremacy in the South. That is, obviously, almost as true today as it was then.

Ben Tillman Cartoon, Chicago Tribune

Do Tillman’s arguments stun the reader? Why? They should surprise no one. Tillman’s position prevailed throughout large parts of the United States for decades. In his effort to obtain support and justify his arguments, Tillman revealed Southern conservatives’ true motives. It is not as if those motives were ever well hidden, but at some point, the autocrat needs clarity. The autocrat’s followers need to know what their policies are, why they are felt to be necessary, and how they should be executed. Thus, Tillman chose to be explicit.

I am not saying that politicians never conspire in secret. After all, who knows? Nevertheless, a secret conspiracy can never garner public support. Thus, evil voices face a dilemma. Yes, they need to gather support, and that requires them to state their ideas. Yet, however, once they have posted their ideas, good people can (usually slowly, excruciatingly slowly) spot the danger and work against it.

Tillman protested that racial equality could only be upheld by “the bayonet.” In the year 2026, have the past’s civil rights accomplishments made us complacent? Do we not need to remember the struggle for freedom, year after year, century after century, against the forces of oppression that still wield power and threaten at any moment to replay the old tragedies?

The so-called Radical Republicans of post-Civil War America voted for the absolute abolition of slavery, equal protection of the law, birthright citizenship, voting rights, and employment opportunities. These basic rights, which we too often take for granted, were adopted only because former Confederate soldiers were denied the right to vote until they petitioned to be reinstated. An odd voting paradox, is it not? Odder yet, to my way of thinking, is the way the Republican Party of 2026 now stands foursquarely against the rights that their forbears provided us. Yes, the Radical Republicans were indeed considered radical. Their ideas still sound radical today, to the extent that President Donald Trump constantly rails against “radical left lunatics) whose ideas still resemble those of the old Radical Republicans. Let us not fool ourselves, for freedom and liberty have long been radical concepts.

Yes, Benjamin Tillman laid out a rhetorical path that still infests the political scene. He stated his motive, which was to preserve white rule. He stated his method, which was to suppress African American voters. He placed blame on the oppressed and their defenders, while picturing himself as the morally outraged victim. He flat-out admitted that democracy could not preserve white rule in the South. Tillman’s ruthless and bold rhetoric not only expressed his strategy, but gave it a philosophical justification. Tillman’s critics could call him crazy or evil. Did he care? Why should he? Autocrats seek power, not justice; obedience, not admiration. 

By William D. Harpine


Copyright 2026 by William D. Harpine

Portrait of Ben Tillman, G. V. Buck, public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Ben Tillman Cartoon, 1906 Chicago Tribune, public domain, via Wikimedia Commons



Saturday, April 4, 2026

Trump's April 1 Iran War Speech: Did He Rise to the Occasion?

"We are going to hit them extremely hard over the next two to three weeks. We’re going to bring them back to the Stone Ages, where they belong." 

On April 1, 2026 (April Fools’ Day, as informally celebrated in the USA!), President Donald J Trump delivered that terrible threat during a White House speech about the month-old war against Iran. Sadly, he neglected to rise to the situation, in that he failed either to state clear war goals or overcome contradictions caused by his previous speeches, which claimed that he had previously "obliterated” Iran’s nuclear weapons. 
Donald Trump, White House photo

Thus, Trump failed to meet the situation’s demands. In 1968, communication professor Lloyd Bitzer, in a landmark article on “The Rhetorical Situation,” showed that certain situations cry out for a speech. For example, the Gettysburg cemetery dedication called for a speech, and Abraham Lincoln responded brilliantly. Lincoln stated a powerful goal: “that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.”

What Did the Gettysburg Address Really Say?

Likewise, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor called for a speech, and President Franklin Roosevelt likewise responded with greatness: “a day which will live in infamy.” 



Bitzer explained that any rhetorical situation has three parts: an exigence, which is “an imperfection marked by urgency.” The second part is the audience, and the third consists of the “constraints which influence the rhetor and can be brought to bear upon the audience.” As an example of a constraint, Roosevelt promised, “No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion,” for all wars require great resolve.

Like Pearl Harbor, the Iran war called out for a speech: the public (the audience) needed to hear the President state the war’s goals, reassure the world, and inspire the nation for the oncoming struggle. Unlike Lincoln and Roosevelt, Trump said little to reassure or inspire his audience. His speech failed because he did not overcome the constraints that he himself had created. 


The First Constraint

The first constraint that Trump had imposed on himself involved his main rationale for the war: the need to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons:
“For these terrorists to have nuclear weapons would be an intolerable threat.”
As it happens, however, Trump had previously stated – vociferously emphasized! – that the United States’ June 2025 bombing raids had already “obliterated” (his word) Iran’s nuclear program. Since this presumed war goal had, he had said, already been achieved, why did he start the current war? 

Donald Trump, the Iran War, and the Art of Doublespeak


Indeed, since Trump had previously boasted that Iran’s nuclear weapons had already been obliterated, he needed to tack on more justifications. Thus, he complained about Iran’s “vast stockpile of conventional ballistic missiles,” noted that Iran had killed many of its internal political opponents, complained about the long-ago bombing of the USS Cole, and grumbled dubiously that “Barack Hussein Obama’s Iran nuclear deal” was a “disaster.”

In other words (granting, as I do, that Iran’s government is evil), Trump followed the rhetorical strategy of throwing handfuls of half-cooked spaghetti against the wall, hoping to see a few strands stick. Trump's justification for the war nevertheless remained slim, for he had already trapped himself in a contradictory position. You cannot, after all, destroy something that you had already “obliterated.”


The Second Constraint

This led to the second constraint that Trump failed to overcome, which was the need to state a war goal. Again, he was constrained by his previous claims that he had already crushed Iran's ambitions. To state goals was part of Trump's rhetorical situation, that is to say, part of the exigence. The American public – Trump’s audience – needed to know why we were fighting and what we hoped to accomplish. Now, a goal is an outcome by definition. However, instead of stating an outcome, Trump only stated a method - the method of violent destruction:
"They have no anti-aircraft equipment. Their radar is 100% annihilated. We are unstoppable as a military force.... If we see them make a move, even a move for it, we’ll hit them with missiles very hard again. We have all the cards. They have none."
So, yes, Trump announced that the United States was bombing Iran. He did not, however, clarify the political outcome that he expected the bombing to produce.

Yes, Trump complained about the cruelty of Iran’s government. Oh? Did that mean that regime change  was his goal, then? Fascinatingly, Trump slithered about regime change:
“Regime change was not our goal. We never said regime change, but regime change has occurred because of all of their original leaders’ death. They’re all dead.” [Italics added]
Startlingly, Trump even said that his unstated war goals had already been achieved:
“We’ve beaten and completely decimated Iran. They are decimated both militarily and economically and in every other way.”
Yet, paradoxically, Trump forcefully insisted that he would continue the war until his objectives, whatever they were, had been met:
“I made clear from the beginning of Operation Epic Fury that we will continue until our objectives are fully achieved. Thanks to the progress we’ve made. I can say tonight that we are on track to complete all of America’s military objectives shortly. Very shortly.”
Regrettably, Iran’s government never got the message that their military forces had been devastated, for, subsequently to Trump’s speech, they shot down two American aircraft, presumably using their nonexistent antiaircraft weapons. As I write, Iran continues to obstruct the crucial Strait of Hormuz. Just today, a few days after the speech, Iranian missiles destroyed some of our allies’ data centers. The sad fact remains that, in any war, the enemy always gets a vote.


Why Trump’s Speech Failed

Whenever they are called to war, the people of the United States want to know why they are fighting and what goals the government expects to accomplish. We live in a constitutional, representative republic, not a dictatorship, which means that only massive public commitment can lead to any war’s success. Trump’s speech failed to rise to the rhetorical situation, for he said too little, too late. He failed to articulate clear goals. Instead of rousing the nation to fight, as Lincoln did at Gettysburg and Roosevelt did after Pearl Harbor, Trump played make-believe by pretending that victory was already at hand.

War is always a great horror, and suffering is never to be embraced. All the same, bombs themselves do not win wars. War requires commitment. Americans will fight, and fight hard, if they perceive a worthy cause. Now, as Bitzer explained, every public speaker must confront and overcome constraints. Nevertheless, Trump’s weak, ambivalent speech failed to meet the rhetorical situation, leaving the nation in moral limbo. He failed to clarify the war’s goals, and, instead of overcoming the constraints against his speech’s success, he let the constraints trap him in contradictions. Wartime presidents always need to rise to the situation. Create passion, or invite defeat. 

by William D. Harpine


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Note about Presentation: One cannot overlook the week, hesitant, and monotonic delivery that Trump brought to this April 1 speech. That vacillating approach was not calculated to inspire anyone. His presentation seemed to lack his usual energetic, forceful, and sardonic persona. 
Copyright ©2026 by William D. Harpine