Showing posts with label polarization. Show all posts
Showing posts with label polarization. Show all posts

Thursday, July 9, 2026

Crystal Eastman and the Right to Vote: "Now We Can Begin"

Crystal Eastman
“Freedom is a large word,” said Crystal Eastman, feminist lawyer and social reformer, in her groundbreaking speech, “Now We Can Begin.”

She published a text of her speech in December 1920 after ratification of the 19th Amendment to the United States Constitution, which gave women the equal right to vote. 

Her views, considered radical at the time, polarized her audience in sometimes bitter language. Stating seemingly radical values with stark word choice and isocolonic sentence structure, that is, using a balance and contrast formula like “there is this, and there is that.” Eastman accentuated two opposing viewpoints. Never one to be satisfied with mere victory, she said this ratification per se was no accomplishment at all, but merely a time to begin the real work.

She immediately polarized the response between presumably conservative men and enthusiastic women:
“Men are saying perhaps, ‘Thank God, this everlasting woman’s fight is over!’ But women, if I know them, are saying, ‘Now at last we can begin.’ Most women will agree that August 23, the day when the Tennessee legislature finally enacted the Federal suffrage amendment, is a day to begin with, not a day to end with.”
The balance-and-contrast language presented two opposing poles: “Men are saying...but women ... are saying.” She offered no middle ground, supported no status quo!

So, instead of seeking moderation, Eastman reminded women that getting the vote meant nothing more than the chance to vote for their own independence, opportunity, and freedom. She polarized the issues into opposing concepts. Freedom versus subservience. Men versus women. Freedom versus an oppressive economic system. Tradition versus progress.

The idea behind polarization is not to gain majority support for one’s opinions, but rather to force people into opposing attitudes, thus motivating one’s supporters. Radical speakers don’t expect to get a majority, nor do they look to gain milquetoast support from milquetoast supporters. Instead, they seek dedicated workers who commit themselves to the cause. A polarizing speaker does not mind offending people. She does, however, mind very much if an apathetic crowd stumbles out of the lecture hall, bored to a stupor.

Steve Bannon's Polarizing Value Voters Summit Speech
 
Turning to policy, Eastman equated women’s rights with the liberation of poverty-stricken countries:
“What they [women] are after, in common with all the rest of the struggling world, is freedom.” [italics added]
Eastman’s dramatic phrase “struggling world” sharply identified American women with the world’s oppressed people. “Struggling world” implied that American women were not living in the more advanced world that American men inhabited. Then, as it would now, to equate American women with the suffering poor of impoverished nations must have shocked people.

Yet, paradoxically, Eastman did not totally assume that American men were thriving. Consistent with her era’s version of socialism, she decried wage labor as tantamount to slavery:
“The vast majority of women as well as men are without property, and are of necessity bread and butter slaves.” [italics added]
“Slaves’ was obvious hyperbole, further encouraging polarization.

Next, pounding on issues that only voting might cure, Eastman decried laws and social customs that
1920 Poster

suppressed women and blocked their self-advancement. She attacked social norms that barred women from seeking success. Emphasizing that the vote, and only the vote, could achieve her goals, Eastman proposed particular solutions:
“How shall we approach this next feminist objective? First, by breaking down all remaining barriers, actual as well as legal, which make it difficult for women to enter or succeed in the various professions, to go into and get on in business, to learn trades and practice them, to join trades unions.” [italics added]
By this point, Eastman was speaking for social reform, not just legal changes: “actual as well as legal.”

We must recall that United States was industrializing rapidly in the early 20th century. The country was transforming from a farming society into an industrial nation. As factories sprang up, young people often sought the economic security that farm life no longer offered. In that changing economy, Eastman insisted that women could participate in the changing world only when traditional barriers were removed. In that light, her pro-women goals included legalizing birth control, equalizing education, and removing artificial barriers that blocked women’s progress:
“With all laws against voluntary motherhood and education in its methods repealed,… with all special barriers removed in every field of human activity, there is no reason why woman should not become almost a human thing.” [italics added]
“All special barriers” emphasized that women suffered, not because they were inferior, but because men had passed laws and adopted social customs that prevented women from advancing. The term “special” highlighted the division, the polarization, between men’s rights of men and women’s rights.

Industrial development had, inevitably, left many people behind. Old legal structures blocked women from entering the new economy. That is why Eastman insisted that only the right to vote could accomplish that goal.


Sojourner Truth's Speech on Women's Rights

Eastman’s policies were shockingly liberal by her era’s standards. Yes, women had by 1920 advanced past the horrors of an Anne Brontë novel, but there was still much progress to make, and Eastman never hesitated to display her bitterness toward injustices. She knew that her opponents often derided women as inherently inferior. Indeed, only this year did Virgina fully legalize birth control. Abortion is often still forbidden, even when medically required. In my youth in the 1950s, the word spread around my school in conservative Virginia that the only professions available to women were nursing, teaching, and secretarial work. Furthermore, as late as the 1970s, women still sometimes had trouble getting credit from banks, buying a house in their own names, or even opening checking accounts.

For such considerations, Eastman used the two-pronged tactic of polarization. She identified problems, proposed solutions, and expressed outrage. Yes, a speech like hers would surely offend middle of the road people. So what? She was not talking to middle-of-the-road people. Instead, she energized people who would contend, work, and struggle for massive social and legal changes. Eastman’s forcefulness, sarcasm, and, let us be frank, bitterness coalesced to create her persuasive strategy.

Throughout this speech, Eastman ignored slanders against women, seeking their economic and moral advancement instead of giving moral reproach, until, seemingly out of nowhere, she reached her speech’s sudden, startlingly caustic, final words about women:
“It will be time enough then to consider whether she has a soul.”

by William D. Harpine 

_________

Historical Note: Eastman published her speech in The Liberator, a left-wing political magazine that she and her brother co-founded. Eastman also co-authored an early version of the Equal Rights [for women] Amendment that the United States has often debated but never ratified. Does that mean that Eastman’s rhetoric ranged too far, in too radical a direction? Or does it mean that her work is, a century later, still incomplete? Worse, does it mean that we are still too polarized to act?

Eastman co-founded the National Civil Liberties Bureau, which evolved into the American Civil Liberties Union.

Copyright ©2026 by William D. Harpine


Image of Crystal Eastman, public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Image of voting poster, public domain, via Wikimedia Common


Thursday, January 15, 2026

Will History Repeat Itself?  Trump and the Art of Making Horrible Threats

Image of January 6 Capitol riot, by TapTheForwardAssist,  Creative Commons License, via Wikimedia Commons
January 6, 2021 Capitol Riot

When world leaders make threats, they usually mean them. The public must heed. Leaders make threats to guide their devoted followers. Donald Trump does this often. Hitler did it before him. Threats polarize the public, which divides itself into strong supporters and meek opponents. Now, since the polarizing leader cares little about the meek opponents, it is the strong supporters who make a difference. We often fear secret conspiracies, but it is the public announcements that should terrify us.

For example, debating against his successor, Joe Biden, in September 2020, Donald Trump specifically alerted a right-wing terrorist group to prepare in case he lost the election:
“Proud Boys, stand back and stand by. But I’ll tell you what, I’ll tell you what: somebody’s got to do something about Antifa and the left because this is not a right-wing problem this is a left-wing.” [sic]  

Threats Prepare for Action


“Stand back and stand by” was a threat that laid the groundwork for action. Leaders, even the cruelest, stupidest, most authoritarian leaders, need support. They need followers who they can mobilize into action. They need soldiers to carry the rifles. They need pilots to drop the bombs. They need angry mobs to crush the opposition. That is why they state their mission coldly, plainly, and bluntly.

Of course, on January 6, 2021 thousands of Capitol rioters followed Trump’s commands. Trump had alerted and guided his supporters. Trump’s comment to the Proud Boys was not an idle threat. It was part of his method. 

 We should never have dismissed his threat. Leaders must instruct their public. Indeed, in December 2020, after losing the election, Trump announced the January 6 riot in advance:
“Big protests in D.C. on January 6. Be there. Will be wild!”
Indeed, as prosecutor Jack Smith recently said about the January 6 riot, this “does not happen” without Trump.

Sadly, the public seemed neither to believe nor care that Trump had threatened to revolt against the election. When January 6 arrived, Congress went blithely along, solemnly counting the electoral votes, oblivious while an angry mob collected outside. Indeed, even today, years later, many people continue to deny the obvious.

Indeed, it was not just the Proud Boys who were ready to “stand back and stand by.” As I write this, a Republican-controlled Congressional subcommittee is holding hearings to rewrite the narrative of January 6. In those hearings, Trump-supporting Congressman Troy Nehls of Texas questioned reports that Capitol Police officers were injured that day. He said it was “Trump haters” who spread such claims. Last week a CBS/YouGov poll found that: “The percentage of Republicans who strongly disapprove of the Jan. 6 attack has dropped more than 20 points since January 2021 — from 51% then to 30% now.” Trump led; his voters followed.  

Trump's Speech of January 6, 2021: A "Firehose of Falsehood"

Trump's Second January 6 Speech Accidentally Spiked MAGA Conspiracy Theories


Does Trump Use Hitler’s Methods?

As I noted in my previous post, Hitler openly threatened the Holocaust in a major speech. 


Hitler’s supporters trusted him. Did they really expect him to start a devastating war?  Did they really expect him to lead Germany truants? Probably not. But they should have believed his threats. Hitler was, months before the war, telling his supporters that massacres were coming. So, when Hitler told a cheering Reichstag in 1937, two years before the war in Europe, that he intended to abolish individual rights, he meant what he said:
“In the new German legal system which will be in force from now onwards the nation is placed above persons and property.”
Hitler was not just saying awful things, for he was also briefing and guiding his supporters. Totalitarians cannot, after all, work in secret!


Trump Continues to Make Threats

Image of Greenland town: Buiobuione,  Creative Commons license, via Wikimedia Commons
Greenland Town
Trump uses similar methods to propose annexing Greenland. Trump recently told a group of reporters:
“We need Greenland from the standpoint of national security.”
White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt chimed in:
“Utilizing the U.S. Military is always an option.”
Once again, despite a little public agitation, Trump’s meek opponents fail to take him seriously. A war over Greenland? It seems so incredible! Surely Trump is joking! Maybe Trump is just negotiating by extortion! Maybe he is just ranting!

Even podcaster Jesse Kelly, one of Trump’s most loyal supporters, denied that Trump meant what he said:
“People freaking out about Trump threatening military action for Greenland are all either dumb or lying. This is how he negotiates everything. And he’s been doing so publicly for a [sic] like 50 years now. Carrot and stick. He’s gonna buy it. He was always gonna buy it.”
How naïve! No, a thousand times no. Donald Trump, like all world leaders, leads by communicating. There is no other way to lead! He gives speeches. He makes statements. Those speeches and statements guide his supporters and organize their actions. The fact that he is a leader means that he is not working alone. He is leading other people. Now, Trump might change his mind, or his worried donors might stop him, but no one should ignore him. 

Worse, is our constitutional republic dying? Trump commented, just today, that:
“When you think of it, we shouldn't even have an election.” 
Was he facetious, as his spokesperson later claimed? Was this a joke, or a threat?


Totalitarian Rulers Lead by Threats


Trump does not need a majority. No polarizing leader needs a majority. All he needs is to motivate a core group of fanatical supporters. That is what polarization means. So, should we take Trump seriously when he threatens to war against our friends and neighbors? Honestly, we are fools if we do not. Should we take pleasure if his poll numbers drop? Maybe not. Once leaders start to polarize us, what difference do opinion polls make?

Prophecies? Threats? Bloviating? Instructions? Or warnings? 

by William D. Harpine

_______________

Research Note: One finds surprisingly few research studies of Hitler's speaking. I'll mention two of the best. First, Haig A. Bosmajian's 1960 article "The Nazi Speaker's Rhetoric," is a good place to start. Unfortunately, it is behind a paywall, although a good library might be able to find a copy. 

Also, Randall L. Bytwerk's book Bending Spines: The Propagandas of Nazi Germany and the German Democratic Republic delves into the terrifying rhetorical pathology that made Hitler possible. I defy anyone to read this book and not see connections with Trump's rhetorical style.

There is no better source about polarization than the masterful study, The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control, by John W. Bowers, Donovan J. Ochs, Richard J. Jensen, and David P. Schulz.

On Trump's persuasive methods, Demagogue for President: The Rhetorical Genius of Donald Trump by Jennifer Mercieca is worth a careful look.

Copyright 2026 by William D. Harpine

Image of January 6 Capitol riot, by TapTheForwardAssist, 
Creative Commons License, via Wikimedia Commons


Image of Greenland town: Buiobuione
Creative Commons license, via Wikimedia Commons

Thursday, November 23, 2023

President Biden Gave a Speech for Two Turkeys and Used it to Draw Our Nation Together in Common Cause

Joe Biden, White House photo
A standard and absolutely ridiculous United States custom is for the President of the United States to kick off Thanksgiving season by offering a presidential pardon to two turkeys. This year, the turkeys were named Liberty and Bell. Rising above the silly situation, Biden used the opportunity to give a short speech to remind us of American values and ambition. He asked us to work together. He gave a good message. Is anyone listening? For Biden reminded a nation (a nation that is not listening) of this great commonplace:
“… let us remind ourselves that we are blessed to live in the greatest nation on this face of the Earth. (Applause.)”
Biden wandered happily along, praising the Liberty Bell, honoring Americans who have passed away, and praising the farmers who provide the magnificent harvests for which we are so grateful today.

Critically, however, Biden ended his speech by asking Americans to overcome the divisions that have marked us so harshly:
“And let’s remember: We are the United States of America, and there is nothing — nothing, nothing — I mean this sincerely — nothing beyond our capacity when we work together. We’ve never come out of a situation, a bad circumstance not — without being better off when we come through it. And this is always who we are as Americans.”  [italics added]
As American politics are increasingly wracked, not only by political conflict, but by increasing numbers of bizarre conspiracy theories, Biden reminded all of us that we can accomplish anything “when we work together.” With so many Americans today denigrating the very concept of government, Biden’s message that we need to work together in unity resonates with depth and power.

Of course, a simple speech honoring two turkeys attracts little attention from the public. Is that Biden’s fault? Or is it ours? Should he have made his point on a better occasion? Should he have spoken more forcefully? Or should we and the press listen more carefully? The press meekly notes that the president participated in a silly ritual. Ignoring the values lesson, Fox News obsessed that Biden mixed up entertainers Taylor Swift and Britney Spears.

President Biden expressed an important value, the value of common cause, but his mild, positive speech could hardly compete with the cacophony of conspiracy theories about the January 6th Capitol riots or Donald Trump’s wild promises to imprison his political opponents. While manufactured outrage dominates our political discourse, simple patriotism fades into the distance. Is it too late? Or can we, indeed, accomplish anything if we work together? Or, is no one listening?


________________

Copyright © William D. Harpine

Saturday, July 29, 2023

Lincoln’s First Inaugural Address: “The Better Angels of Our Nature”

Lincoln's Inauguration
Can logic and morality overcome our fears? Can honest reassurances restore trust? Can people, overwhelmed by the fear of change, even remember “the better angels of our nature?” Or, on March 4, 1861, when Abraham Lincoln gave his First Inaugural Address, had the United States reached juncture that could be resolved only by bloodshed and horror? Lincoln’s magnificent rhetorical effort may have marked the limits of what we can expect rhetoric to do.

Having won the United States presidency, Abraham Lincoln faced a dilemma: save the Union, or end slavery? Feeling unable to do both, Lincoln appealed, on March 4, 1861, in his first inaugural address, to “the better angels of our nature.” Such a noble theme, such a futile theme. Ultimately, the Union collapsed, to be reborn years later as a nominally free nation.

In this speech, Lincoln futilely appealed to reason, then to law, and then to conscience. A futile trifecta of rhetoric: logic, imperatives, and morality, the three principles on which civilization rests. Any school child knows that Lincoln failed in his central purpose. A few weeks later, the South Carolina militia attacked Fort Sumter. By 1865, hardly a household anywhere in either the United States of America or the Confederate States of America had not lost a husband, son, or brother to the heartless conflict.

Lincoln spoke on that day in March in a final, desperate, hopeless attempt to save the Union. The public already knew that Lincoln’s policies were moderately anti-slavery, and that the Republican party’s agenda was to prevent the spread of slavery while leaving it alone in places where it already existed. Even that modest policy was enough to terrify southern conservatives.

So, Lincoln made a choice: his message on March 4 was not to speak forthrightly against slavery, but instead to reassure White southerners. In this speech, he made one last, desperate attempt to save the union of states. His message failed. Maybe emotions were already running too high. Maybe Lincoln’s precise, sincere logic was helpless against the blind fear of change. Maybe, in the depths of their empty hearts, the southern aristocrats already knew that Lincoln was right—but didn’t care. Surely knowing all of this, Lincoln made his last, desperate plea for union and peace.


Lincoln Promised to Preserve Slavery

In 1858, Lincoln had warned about a “house divided” and rued that the nation could not endure “half slave and half free.”

Nevertheless, in this First Inaugural Address, Lincoln began by reassuring White Southerners. He first asserted that he had, throughout his entire political career, promised not to interfere with slavery in the states where it already existed. Indeed, at his speech’s very outset, Lincoln noted that “the people of the Southern States” were worried that “their property [i.e., enslaved workers], and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.” Lincoln’s thesis was that “There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.” This was a complete surrender on the issue of slavery. Ironically, rejecting Lincoln’s concessions, the South embarked on a course that, four years later, ripped their cruel, cherished institution of chattel slavery from its roots.

In any case, to reinforce his assurance, Lincoln quoted his own statement from the first Lincoln- Douglas debate:
“I do but quote from one of [my] speeches when I declare that ‘I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.’ Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them.”

_______________ 

Earlier Post: Abraham Lincoln, White Supremacist, The First Lincoln-Douglas Debate

_______________ 

Lincoln then cited the Republican Party platform, which specifically called for states’ rights: “the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively.” That, again, denied any ambition to abolish slavery.

Lincoln also cited the United States Constitution’s requirement that fugitive slaves needed to be returned to their enslavers and endorsed the Fugitive Slave Law. In this speech, Lincoln even specifically endorsed a constitutional amendment to protect slavery. Yet, even this was not enough to reassure White Southerners.


Sectionalism: Is the Union Forever?

Having promised not to end slavery, Lincoln followed by warning the southern states that they had no legal right to leave the Union. “I hold,” he said, “that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual.” He offered a series of legalistic arguments that no state had the right to leave the Union. He cited contract law. He decried the lawlessness of seceding from the Union:
“Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy.”
Anarchy is, of course, at least in theory, the very opposite of conservative thought. Or so one might think.

Toward the speech’s end, however, possibly reigniting the worries of the southern states’ White voters, Lincoln did reiterate the ultimate dilemma about chattel slavery:
“One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended.”
Lincoln nevertheless placed the onus of civil war entirely on the southern states, while denying that such a conflict could be in any way his responsibility:
“In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to ‘preserve, protect, and defend it.’”
Again, Lincoln’s point was legalistic: he had sworn an oath, which he would honorably follow. He turned again to logic:
“Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them.”

Yet, in a matter of weeks, they separated indeed.  


And Our “Better Angels”

Ever the optimist, however, Lincoln appealed to everyone, northerners and southerners alike, to remember the nation’s heritage and to live by conscience. As so often happens, appealing to conscience is a forlorn faith, the last useless refuge of honest rhetoricians. In one of the most dramatic passages of any American public speech, Lincoln appealed to friendship, “the mystic chords of memory,” “the chorus of the Union,” and, finally, so hopefully, to “the better angels of our nature.” This was one of the greatest passages from one of history’s greatest speakers:
“The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.”
Yet, how quickly the better angels were crushed! Fort Sumter was followed by a long series of horrible battles, scorched earth tactics, and total war in the Shenandoah Valley and the March through Georgia. In 1865, General Sherman attacked the capital of South Carolina, which quickly burned to the ground. As the Roman historian Tacitus said, “they make a desert, they call it peace.” By 1861, the nation had passed beyond what rhetoric could accomplish.


Conclusion

Today, we must ask ourselves the same questions. Do we feel the swelling chorus of Union? Are we touched by “the better angels of our nature?” Or do we, instead, allow fear and discord to rule over us like the tyrants they are?

_______________ 

Earlier Post: Frederick Douglass’ 1852 Fourth of July Speech and the Christian Right
 
_______________ 

Image: Unknown photographer, public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Thursday, May 4, 2023

Jim Rhodes' Speech Prior to the Kent State Shootings: Rhetoric of Polarization

Jim Rhodes
Polarization is not a rhetorical technique that brings us together. No, the entire idea of polarization is to rip us apart. Polarization implies the two opposing sides support values that are not only different, but opposite. Irreconcilable. One side evil, the other good.

On May 3, 1970, Ohio Governor Jim Rhodes gave a speech about anti-Vietnam War demonstrations on the Kent State University campus. The next day, May 4, 1970, members of the Ohio National Guard shot and killed four students, one of whom was not even involved in the demonstration, and injured several others. Over the years since, we have heard much about the victims' viewpoints. That is only right.

Nevertheless, to understand this horrible event, it is not enough just to study the victims. What values lay behind the violent conservative response? What rhetoric justified that response? We must squarely face the rhetoric that made May 4 possible. As a conservative Republican, Rhodes took a strict law and order stance toward the demonstrators. To accomplish that, Rhodes used two rhetorical techniques that are typical of right-wing rhetoric: he reset the issue in terms of conservative values, while he sought to polarize his audience. My goal is to shed light on how, in retrospect, Rhodes inflamed an already-volatile situation. In the name of social order, Rhodes sought to divide the state of Ohio.


Setting the Values Issues

The demonstrators worked from one set of values, which was to oppose what they believed to be a needless and cruel war. Rhodes’ values instead revolved around the fear of disorder.

The underlying cause of the campus violence was that many students were upset about military conscription combined with President Richard Nixon’s decision to invade Cambodia, thus expanding the Indochina war. We might see that Rhodes’ speech brought up a variance in people's values. To Rhodes and his conservative voter base, the issue was not opposition to the war, but rather the preservation of order. It was not a matter of whether the war was right or wrong; indeed, Rhodes never discussed the war at all. The ROTC building on campus had been burned by persons unknown, while local merchants were bitter about ongoing vandalism in downtown Kent, which was only a short walk from campus. The escalation of the war was real. The campus and community violence was real. Which was more important? 

To a conservative, maintaining public order becomes the paramount value. Emphasizing that underlying value, Rhodes protested that:
“… they have threatened and intimidated merchants and people of this community.”
He talked about the destruction on campus:
“… you cannot continue to set fires to buildings that are worth $5 and $10 million because you cannot get replacements from the General Assembly.”
Rhodes returned to the same theme near the end of the speech:
“… the campus now is going to be part of the County and the State of Ohio. There is no sanctuary for these people to burn buildings down of private citizens—of businesses in a community and then turn into a sanctuary. It's over with in Ohio.”
So, mentioning absolutely nothing about the war or the validity of the students’ concerns, Rhodes focused exclusively on the question of maintaining public order. He was right, of course, to the extent that the demonstrations had become violent and there surely was a need to restore order. My point, however, is that this was the only value he discussed. His goal was not to reconcile with dissidents, but to drive them away. This leads us to polarization.


Polarizing the Issues

Indeed, the values of law and order linked directly to his next rhetorical technique, polarization. Polarization occurs when a speaker divides the audience into two categories: good and bad, with no middle ground. Everybody is on one pole or the other. If the speaker had acknowledged any merit whatsoever to the students’ protests, polarization would become impossible. And, yes, Rhodes’ speech was not only one-sided, but extremely polarizing.

So, let us back up and look at how the speech began. Rhodes characterized the demonstrators as: 
“probably the most vicious form of campus-oriented violence yet perpetrated by dissident groups and their allies in the state of Ohio.”
The words “most vicious,” artfully chosen, place the demonstrators purely on the side of wrongness.

Indeed, Rhodes insisted that the demonstrators’ only goal was to destroy higher education:
“The same group that we're dealing with here today--and there are three or four of them—they only have one thing in mind and that is to destroy higher education in Ohio.”

Even more, Rhodes placed the demonstrators among the most evil of the evil, equating them with the Nazis, communists, and Ku Klux Klan alike: 

“They're worse than the 'Brown Shirt' and the communist element and also the 'night riders' in the Vigilantes.”

As the speech ended, Rhodes complained again about the violence:
“And last night I think that we have seen all forms of violence—the worst.”
That was pure polarization. The demonstrators were not just bad, they were “the worst.” Indeed, Rhodes did not ever call them “demonstrators.” He called them “dissidents.” To a conservative who values social order at all costs, the term “dissidents” depicts the demonstrators as a threat, not only to the campus, but to the orderliness of society.

Rhodes warned about the efforts to, as he said, “start taking over communities.” That, of course, tied back to the question of law and order, the ultimate value for conservative rhetoric.

Thus, working from his value premises, with a clear distinction now made between the peaceful community and law enforcement, on the one hand, against the dissidents on the other hand, he had led his audience to a point far beyond compromise or accommodation. There was a battle between good and bad, a battle between order and disorder. Rhodes’ speech left no room for any idea of peace or lawful dissent. Instead, violence and dissent had become mashed together as evil values, to be contrasted with the good values of law enforcement and public order. Accordingly, Rhodes had set up the audience to receive his concluding point, a promise:
“to use every part of the law enforcement agencies of Ohio to drive them out of Kent.”
For, if we face a polarized battle between good and evil, banishing evil becomes our only choice.

No, Rhodes made no attempt to see any side of the issue other than his own. It was never his purpose to lead Ohio into a sense of unity, where the two sides could understand one another. That is not what polarization is about. With polarization, we ultimately have a clash of incompatible values, and the only acceptable solution is for the good values to overcome the bad ones. 

Rhodes himself was not solely responsible for the tragedies of May 4. Kent State University’s campus leadership was utterly inept. The guardsmen were poorly trained and badly led. We may never know whether they were ordered to shoot, or by whom. Ultimately, however, May 4 was the result of polarization, with two opposing sides unwilling or unable to see the other’s point of view.

In fact, radical speakers of the left and right alike often try to polarize their audiences precisely to prevent compromise. The polarizing speaker wants to force everyone to vacate the middle ground and choose one side or the other. Such speakers, ultimately, seek neither social order nor agreement. What they seek is division and disorder. Always. Polarization serves no other goal. Many people think that society needs justice and order alike. Yet, polarization stops us from combining justice and order; instead, we are asked to choose.


And the Aftermath...

On a personal note, I lived in Kent from 1985 to 2005. It's a wonderful community with a remarkable regional university. I did much of my academic research (click William D. Harpine’s Publications above) in Kent State’s enormous library. Even so, many years later, the campus and the community remain bitterly divided. It is, of course, no secret that our nation never fully reconciled after the Vietnam War. So, in 1970, with the demonstrators believing that the war was a monstrous evil, while Ohio’s conservatives felt that social order was far more important than peace, how could anyone expect them to reconcile? How were they to recognize their common humanity? As time goes by and we face comparable questions over and over and over, polarizing rhetoric will never help us answer them.

___________________

Jerry M. Lewis’ Speech about the Kent State Shootings

Steve Bannon's Value Voters Summit Speech: Rhetoric of Polarization

___________________

Research note: to read more about the rhetoric of polarization, the standard source is The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control, by John Waite Bowers, Donovan J. Ochs, Richard J. Jensen, and David P. Schulz. 


Image from the Fremont News Messenger, in Rutherford B. Hayes Presidential Center (via Wikimedia Commons, public domain) 

Saturday, May 28, 2022

“What Are We Doing?” Can the United States Find Common Ground on Gun Violence? Senator Murphy's Desperate Plea

Chris Murphy, Senate photo
“What are we doing? What are we doing?” asked—pleaded—United States Senator Chris Murphy as he began a brief May 24, 2022 speech on the floor of the United States Senate. He continued:

“Just days after a shooter walked into a grocery store to gun down African American patrons, we have another Sandy Hook on our hands. What are we doing?"

Following the horrible mass shooting at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, Texas, Murphy did not ask for any special proposal. Instead, he urged the Senate to take action to prevent more school shootings. It was, we recall, in Murphy's home state of Connecticut that a mass shooter killed twenty-six children and teachers at Sandy Hook Elementary School. Such horrors have become an American epidemic.

Murphy asked his Senate colleagues to find common ground and adopt simple solutions. But do we share common ground? Unfortunately, although most Americans have moderate political views about firearms, as they do on most issues, the extreme voices are having their way—especially on the right wing. Despite Murphy's impassioned plea, the opposing political sides show no signs of reconciliation.

Yet, every public speaking student learns that the way to persuade people is to find common ground: common beliefs, common values. In this brief speech, Murphy proposed common values as a premise for a persuasive argument:

“I understand my Republican colleagues will not agree to everything that I may support, but there is a common denominator that we can find. There is a place where we can achieve agreement that may not guarantee that America never ever again sees a mass shooting, that may not overnight cut in half the number of murders that happen in America. It will not solve the problem of American violence by itself. But by doing something, we at least stop sending this quiet message of endorsement to these killers whose brains are breaking, who see the highest levels of government doing nothing shooting after shooting.”

Nevertheless, in desperation, Murphy ended his speech as he began:

“What are we doing? Why are we here? What are we doing?

Senator Murphy’s previous gun control proposals include such seemingly modest ideas as to tighten background checks, to stop known terrorists and domestic abusers from purchasing weapons, and to have some sort of licensing requirement for firearms owners. He filibustered in the Senate in 2016 on behalf of these proposals, and got pretty much nowhere. So, is it even possible that we have common ground? Murphy is right that there is common ground as to the goal: conservatives and liberals agree that it is bad to murder children. For politicians, the common ground seems to stop there. It isn’t just Democrats. When former President Donald Trump spoke out forcefully in favor of background checks for gun purchasers, howling protests soon forced him to back off.


Trump and the NRA: Was the President Finally Using His Business Communication Skills?


In the meantime, is there any hope that the tragedy in Uvalde will cause the two opposing sides to reach out for common solutions? I doubt it. At the National Rifle Association convention, being held at this moment in Houston, Texas, attendees hear fire-breathing speeches claiming that the massacre was a liberal false flag event staged to encourage gun confiscation. There are people who think that the Uvalde shooter was a CIA plant. Yes, people believe that. Many people. Can Senator Murphy find enough common ground with them, or with the politicians for whom they vote?

To solve our problem, we must indeed find common ground. Murphy was right about that. To find common ground, however, can we agree on the problem's cause? Can we share a common reality? It seems that we cannot. Sadly, Senator Murphy was shouting, however nobly, into a deafening wind.

As the satirical news site The Onion repeatedly points out, “'No Way To Prevent This,’ Says Only Nation Where This Regularly Happens.” The solutions are so simple. So obvious. So unattainable. Common ground is so hard to find. Common chasms? No problem. But common ground?

Unfortunately, the United States’ political system, which was designed to encourage compromise while preventing any one group from gaining too much power, has morphed into a setup that encourages extremists. The system entourages politicians to polarize. I'll try to write more about that later.
________________


Emma González at the "March for Our Lives" Rally and the Rhetoric of Silence: Six Minutes and About 20 Seconds





Sunday, June 6, 2021

Cancel Culture Gone Amok: Governor Brian Kemp Was Shouted Down by His Own People

Gov. Brian Kemp, Official Photo
Georgia Governor Brian Kemp, a conservative Republican, was almost booed off the stage when he spoke yesterday at the Georgia Republican Party’s state convention, held at a resort on one of the state’s beautiful coastal islands.

He was booed by his own people. This signifies a radical turn toward increasing political polarization. Polarization means that you have fewer supporters, but your supporters are more fanatical. Absolute loyalty to Trump is becoming a Republican Party requirement. 

I have written earlier about terrible instances in which conservative rabble-rousers have chased liberal speakers off the stage, or liberals have shouted conservative speakers off the stage. What happened yesterday was different. Brian Kemp is a radical conservative whose policy positions should satisfy anyone who opposes abortion, government-financed health care, or basic pandemic precautions. Indeed, he got his biggest cheers when he reminded the audience that Georgia was the first state to reopen during the pandemic.

Earlier Post: Liberals Shouted Down Milo Yiannopoulos

Earlier Post: Milo Yiannopoulos Helped to Shout Down a Liberal Speaker

Kemp, however, made one enormous political mistake. He honestly certified the obviously accurate election results that gave Georgia’s electoral votes to Joe Biden. We all know that former President Donald Trump and his supporters have constantly and wrongly accused Georgia of mis-counting the votes. Trump’s false claim that he won the election has become the test for loyal Republicans across the country. 

During his speech, Kemp reminded his noisy audience about Georgia’s restrictive abortion laws. “We passed heartbeat legislation,” he explained. But a heckler immediately shouted, “Boo! What about the voting machines?” He reminded the crowd that he opposed critical race theory and vaccine passports. That kind of ignorance should have pleased them. Apparently it didn’t.

Kemp’s failure – his inability even to be heard at his own convention – tells us several things about Georgia’s Republican leadership:

First, it’s not all about the issues. Kemp reminded the crowd that he was rabidly conservative on every possible issue. So what? It seems that, to many in the Georgia Republican Party’s leadership today, it is all about Trump – and nothing else. If you are not 100% pro-Trump, nothing else matters.

Second, the Republican Party is becoming a house divided, a party polarized within itself. It’s not just that Republicans are polarized against Democrats. Moderate Republicans are polarized from conservative Republicans. Republicans like Kemp, who are conservative but even marginally honest, are polarized from Trump Republicans. For example, Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, who is running for re-election, wasn't even invited to the convention. Instead, appallingly, the convention censured him for certifying the 2020 election. 

The people who attended the Republican state convention were, pretty much by definition, the most dedicated party loyalists. They were not necessarily typical of all Republican voters. They were, however, the leadership. Photographs and video showed that the crowd was almost all-white and coronavirus masks were nowhere to be seen. And, although the audience included many Kemp supporters, they could not control the pro-Trump fanatics.

Earlier Post: Trump and the Maskless Crowd  

It didn't help that Trump has been roundly condemning Kemp every chance he gets. Some conventioneers cheered Kemp even as others booed him. Will Kemp's political career survive the onslaught? Time will tell. 

Polarization is a standard tactic of radical rhetoric. The idea is that you will have fewer supporters, but your supporters will be more dedicated. As the Republican Party systematically expels all but its most radical members, it also shrinks its voting base. Thus, it might lose any honest election. The booing crowd’s entire point was that they didn’t want an honest election. They seemed to feel that it was the governor’s job to certify a Trump victory regardless of the actual votes. Kemp explained to the crowd that the law and the Constitution required him to certify the votes. That misses the point. The conventioneers who booed Kemp showed no concern about either the law or the Constitution.

A polarized minority of the electorate cannot persuade a majority of the voters. However, many in the crowd rejected Kemp because their main goal, at this point, was to prevent honest election counting. And that, dear readers, is how a polarized minority can win elections.

No one can dispute Kemp’s conservative credentials. His conservative credentials made no difference. The anti-Kemp crowd at Jekyll Island wasn’t thinking about issues. They were thinking about power.


Earlier Post: Trump's Polarizing Rally in Kentucky: It's All About Getting People to Vote 


Technical note: the best source for people who want to understand radical rhetoric is still The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control by Bowers, Ochs, and Schulz. 


Chapter 4 of my book about the 1896 presidential campaign shows how the Democratic candidate's radical rhetoric helped him win the nomination but doomed him in the general election. Could the same happen to Republicans in upcoming elections? I would not be surprised. 

Monday, August 17, 2020

William Jennings Bryan's "Cross of Gold" Speech from the 1896 Democratic Convention

Artist's Conception of Bryan at the Convention
As the Democratic National Convention meets online tonight for the first time in history, we should remember William Jennings Bryan’s “Cross of Gold,” surely the most famous convention speech in American history. In 1896, it was not always a foregone conclusion which candidate would be nominated. Representing Nebraska at the Democratic Convention, Bryan finagled onto an important committee and got himself placed on the speakers’ schedule. He told his friends that he had prepared a speech that would ensure him the nomination. His magnificent oration, in which he defended ordinary Americans against the powers of big business that had aligned themselves behind Republican William McKinley, has inspired speech students ever since. Yet, glorious though the speech was, it was highly polarizing, to the extent that Bryan’s opponents were able to label him an irresponsible fanatic.

Yet, the speech’s main point – and one of the major issues of the 1896 campaign – was an economic absurdity. Bryan’s thesis was that coins should be minted from silver as well as gold, an economic policy called bimetallism. The Republican Party platform called for minting only gold coins. McKinley, however, was a long-standing advocate of coining silver. Politics is an odd business, is it not?

At this point, the reader might ask: who cares? Exactly! There was little reason for anyone to care. While the Gold Bugs screamed that the bimetallists were fanatics, and the bimetallists called the Gold Bugs slaves of monopolies and trusts, the United States had, in real life, long been on a de facto fiat/paper money standard. Gold and silver coins were little more than relics of the era of the Spanish Armada and Caribbean Pirates. Nevertheless, the opposing sides, motivated entirely by their ignorance of basic economics, turned gold and silver coinage into an issue for the ages.

As he rose to give his speech to a packed crowd in a huge Chicago arena, Bryan quickly turned the meaningless fight over coinage into an existential question, a dispute so powerful that he said it was greater than any in history:

“Never before in the history of this country has there been witnessed such a contest as that through which we have just passed. Never before in the history of American politics has a great issue been fought out as this issue has been, by the voters of a great party.”

Having brought his silly monetary theory to the forefront, Bryan explained that the ordinary working American was just as much in business as the industrial trusts, huge factories, and transcontinental railroads. This led him to give one of the most inspired defenses of political liberalism in our nation’s history:

“We say to you that you have made the definition of a business man too limited in its application. The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man as his employer; the attorney in a country town is as much a business man as the corporation counsel in a great metropolis; the merchant at the cross-roads store is as much a business man as the merchant of New York; the farmer who goes forth in the morning and toils all day -- who begins in the spring and toils all summer -- and who by the application of brain and muscle to the natural resources of the country creates wealth, is as much a business man as the man who goes upon the board of trade and bets upon the price of grain; the miners who go down a thousand feet into the earth, or climb two thousand feet upon the cliffs, and bring forth from their hiding places the precious metals to be poured into the channels of trade are as much business men as the few financial magnates who, in a back room, corner the money of the world. We come to speak for this broader class of business men.”

Bryan’s images were so vivid, so powerful:   

“The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man as his employer.” 

The farmer “who toils all day” is equally a person of business with the financial speculators who place bets “upon the price of grain.” 

The “miners who go down a thousand feet into the earth . . . And bring forth from their hiding places the precious metals to be poured into the channels of trade” are business people every bit as much as the “few financial magnates who . . . corner the money of the world.” 

We could remember this today, could we not? Today, after all, middle-class wages have stagnated, while incompetent hedge fund managers become wealthy by skimming off a portion of their clients’ money before placing the balance in unwise investments. Bryan could have added them to his list. 

The bulk of Bryan’s speech examined several arguments for and against silver coinage. Then, in his emotional conclusion, Bryan returned to defense of ordinary Americans. In vivid, powerful, even brutal language, Bryan ended:
“You shall not press down upon the brow of labor’s crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.”
It is said that he spread his arms wide in imitation of a crucifix. The crowd cheered and he was carried bodily around the room. After several ballots, the Democratic convention nominated Bryan to be President of the United States, whereupon he lost convincingly to the less eloquent, but calmer and more conciliatory, Republican candidate, William McKinley. 

Bryan was nominated for and lost the presidency a total of three times. During his public career, he also was elected to two terms in Congress, served in the United States Army stateside during the Spanish-American War, and was Woodrow Wilson’s Secretary of State. Bryan was known for populist, often idealist policies, isolationism, and arms control treaties. He made a fortune on the Chautauqua speaking circuit, where people paid to hear him give an inspiring religious speech called the “Prince of Peace.” Most important, however, Bryan began the Democratic Party’s move from the backwards party of stodgy conservativism that it represented to the more liberal party that we have today. 

Bryan's point was not so much about economics, which he did not understand, but rather a feeling that Republicans stood for big business and harmed working people. That attitude led to a change in focus that has stayed with the Democratic Party up to the present. In 1896, however, the Republican Party was still at least the lukewarm party of civil rights, while it was the Democrats who supported the worst of the Jim Crow laws. 

Earlier Post: Steve Bannon's Polarizing Value Voters Speech

Almost 20 years ago, I was lucky enough to publish an academic article about the speech in the Quarterly Journal of Speech. The paper argues that Bryan’s polarizing cell helped him to gain the nomination, but was so controversial as to his him the general election. In addition to research databases, you can, if you wish, read a preprint of the article posted by the University of South Carolina. Chapter 4 of my book about the 1896 presidential campaign, From the Front Porch to the Front Page: McKinley and Bryan in the 1896 Campaign, contains an updated version of the article. Most large research libraries will have a copy, and bookstores carry it in paperback.

Let’s keep an eye on the Democratic national convention tonight. Will we hear a memorable speech? Or will the speakers all play it safe? The show (what else should we call it?) begins at 9 o’clock tonight, Eastern Time.


Image: Artist's Impression of Bryan after his convention speech, McClure's Magazine, via Wikimedia
Image: From TAMU Press website

Thanks to my graduate school classmate Martin J. Medhurst and his industrious staff for posting "Cross of Gold," as well as hundreds of other speeches, on www.AmericanRhetoric.com

Saturday, August 15, 2020

Jim Thompson, the Anti-Corruption Governor of Illinois: A Rhetorical Obituary. Thompson's Polarizing 1976 Campaign Was a Warning.

Governor “Big Jim” Thompson, a Republican who served as Governor of Illinois from 1976 to 1991, passed away yesterday. As a federal prosecutor, Thompson oversaw the convictions of several corrupt Democratic Party Chicago machine politicians. He continued his reforming ways as governor. Indeed, in actions that would be inconceivable today, he went after corrupt politicians of both the Democratic and Republican parties.

Thompson's 1976 opponent was Chicago machine candidate Mike Howlett, a close friend of Mayor Richard J Daley. Although Howlett was never known to be corrupt himself, Thompson’s campaign speeches repeatedly pressed Howlett for his political machine connections. In this respect, Thompson simply echoed the accusations made by Howlett’s corrupt (and future prison inmate) Democratic primary opponent, Dan Walker. Walker and Thompson’s campaign speeches gave us a taste of the polarizing urban-rural campaign rhetoric that is tearing the United States of America apart in 2020. Years ago, I presented a paper to the Eastern Communication Association convention about the 1976 gubernatorial campaign that first put Thompson in the governor’s mansion.


Link: My Paper about the Walker-Howlett-Thompson Campaign for Illinois Governor


Walker’s Attacks on Howlett

During the 1976 Democratic primary campaign for Governor of Illinois, Walker, the incumbent Democratic governor, in one speech charged Howlett with “bossism” and said that the real question was if “the Daley machine ‘puppets’ would control state government.” On another occasion, Walker emphasized “his opposition to Daley ‘bossism’” both in person and in several television commercials. And so forth. Howlett defeated the unpopular and corrupt Walker easily. However, accusations like this gave Thompson the ammunition he needed to tear Howlett apart in the general election campaign.


Thompson’s Attacks on Howlett

Thompson’s main campaign argument was that the Chicago machine, of which Howlett was a part, should not run Illinois. On the night he won the Republican primary, Thompson explained that “I’m going to talk a lot about one-man rule—and I don’t mean Mr. Howlett.” This, presumably, was a swipe at Daley’s supposed influence over Howlett. Giving a speech in downstate Illinois, which then, as now, was heavily Republican, Thompson welcomed Howlett to southern Illinois. Ouch! Chicago is at Illinois' northeastern tip. Thompson’s point was that the Democratic organization’s support would alienate Howlett from conservative downstate voters.

On another campaign occasion, Thompson said that, “if Michael Howlett is governor, the major decisions affecting every citizen of Illinois will be made from the fifth floor of Chicago City Hall.” Thompson mentioned that Howlett “looks, talks and walks like Daley.” That last part was pretty much true; Daley and Howlett were both jowly, and gruff. In a campaign speech at Southern Illinois University, Thompson yelled to the students that “Mayor Daley is not going to shove the next governor of Illinois down the throats of the people of Illinois!”



Implications for the Politics of 2020

During his 1976 campaign for governor of Illinois, the opponents of Democrat Mike Howlett branded him as a lackey of powerful machine politician Richard Daley. These attacks appear to have created an image of Howlett in the public’s mind that was conducive to his decisive defeat at the hands of Republican Jim Thompson. The attacks were largely unfair: Howlett was, indeed, a machine politician, but he had a long reputation for independence and personal integrity.


Earlier: Trump's Polarizing Rally in Kentucky, Polarization Has Its Drawbacks

This campaign highlighted the political circumstances of Illinois, in which Chicago residents and downstate residents perceived themselves to have dissimilar interests. Much the same divide is true today, of course, as voters in urban and rural areas across the United States view their interests and needs as not only different, but contradictory. Chicago’s more liberal politics no doubt worried conservative voters in Illinois’ suburbs, rural areas, and smaller towns. The political divide that paralyzes us in 2020 was already starting in 1976, and Thompson’s extremely negative, mostly unfair campaign took advantage of that divide.

I was an Illinois resident in 1976, and I voted for Thompson precisely because I knew that the Chicago machine was corrupt and felt myself unable to support it. I did not agree with all of Thompson’s policies, but respected his public character. Although Thompson’s divisive rhetoric turned out to be a mere foreshadow of today’s polarizing politics, Thompson still deserves credit for years of sound, scandal-free governance and a career devoted to anti-corruption crusades. I would love to see Republicans like Thompson run for public office today. I wish that such Republicans still existed.

Image: James Thompson, 9/11 Commission

Sunday, May 31, 2020

Donald Trump Says That the MAGA Crowd Loves Black People, Except When They Don't

Donald Trump, White House photo
President Donald Trump can win votes by dividing Americans, but can he govern the country that way? I don’t see how.

My former professor, Charles Urban Larson, a noted authority on persuasive communication, explains that persuaders can use a unifying style or a pragmatic style. The unifying style tries to unite us, while the pragmatic (or polarizing) style polarizes the audience.

In an extemporaneous briefing before the Marine One helicopter departure for Cape Kennedy yesterday, Trump said, "MAGA loves black people." He spoke in a warm, welcoming, inclusive style, making loving, generous comments that aggravated the nation’s divisions. That is, his style was unifying, but his content was harsh, divisive, and racial. Kind and hateful. Uniting and divisive. Generous words placing a thin cover over hostile thoughts.

Let’s look at how it happened, why it worked rhetorically, and  how Trump twisted rhetorical kindness to his own dubious purposes. In an act of what was either supreme tone-deafness or astute political divisiveness, he excluded African Americans at the same time he welcomed them.

“MAGA,” a Trump campaign slogan that has festooned countless homemade signs and red caps, means “Make America Great Again.” Some of us wonder whether it really means “Make America White Again,” which would transform the acronym to “MAWA.” Doesn’t have the same ring, does it? Of course, conservatives piously deny that MAGA carries racist overtones. Until yesterday, they could say that with a straight face.

What Trump Said

With thousands of people rallying against police violence all over the country, sometimes violently, here’s what a reporter asked President Trump yesterday at the Marine One departure briefing:

"Q    Mr. President, are you — with your tweets today, are you concerned that you might be stoking more racial violence or more racial discord"

And here is how the President responded: 

“Not at all.  MAGA says ‘Make America Great Again.’  These are people that love our country.  I have no idea if they’re going to be here.  I was just asking.  But I have no idea if they’re going to be here.  But MAGA is ‘Make America Great Again.’  By the way, they love African American people.  They love black people.  MAGA loves black people.

“I heard that MAGA wanted to be there; a lot of MAGA was going to be there.  I have no idea if that’s true or not.  But they love our country.  Remember that: MAGA is just an expression, but MAGA loves our country.”

Here’s Trump's Positive Message

Trump's surface message was positive and welcoming, after all, “By the way, they love African American people.  They love black people.  MAGA loves black people.” That sounds positive because to love people is such a good thing.

So, isn’t that wonderful? “They love African-American people,” said Trump. It is so good to love people. Trump continued in a positive tone: “they love black people. MAGA loves black people.”

Related Link: Trump's Unifying Speech in South Korea


Well, again, yes, it’s great to love people. How, a Trump supporter could ask, can you call the President and his supporters racists when they love Black people so much? But…


Alas, Here Are Trump’s Divisive Undertones

ProPublica reporter Jessica Huseman explained what was wrong with Trump’s attitude in one quick tweet: “‘MAGA loves black people’ suggests black people aren’t a part of ‘MAGA.’ That they are outside of it. And that’s the point.”

To me, making America great should mean making all of America great. But, since I suspect that there are people who think that no diverse nation can be a great nation, we hear an undertone that making America great means undoing an African American’s presidency and restoring racial boundaries.

What else? Trump also said, “I heard that MAGA wanted to be there; a lot of MAGA was going to be there." So, to Trump, there were people who protested police brutality, and there was MAGA, and "a lot of MAGA" was going to show up. Again, two distinct groups.

So, what Trump's quick statement told us – between the lines – is that the people who Make America Great love Black people, but that MAGA supporters and Black people form two different communities. Political psychologist Bethany Albertson offers a theory that helps us understand this. She talks about what she calls “multivocal communication.” This is communication that uses the same words to send different messages to different audiences, thus multivocal. We hear a surface meaning, which, in this case, is that Trump and his supporters love Black people. But people who are tuned in will hear the underlying message that Black people do not belong to the MAGA crowd. I assure you, dear readers, that no one, and I mean no one, tunes into multivocal meanings more attentively than the typical Trump supporter. If liberals didn't get the message, most Republicans caught Trump's drift right away.

The way the United States' political situation is structured, a candidate can win reelection by taking just over 50% of the vote. In fact, the Electoral College system lets a candidate win, as Trump did in 2016, with slightly less than 50%. But if governance requires consent of the governed, what happens when a leader excludes huge chunks of the population from consideration? That can only lead to bedlam, which is, of course, what is happening on the streets today.

Trump's multivocal comment accomplished two purposes. He pretended, for just a moment, to support racial harmony. He also set up a racial divide. Tricky, isn’t it? It’s awkward for liberals to complain that Trump and his supporters love Black people. It is, however, unlikely that his supporters will overlook that he endorses them over Black people. Some voters are equal, George Orwell might have said, but some are more equal than others.