Sunday, March 28, 2021

Fannie Lou Hamer, "Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired," Gave a Voting Rights Speech in Narrative Style

As Women’s History Month comes to a close, let’s remember the influential voting rights speech that Fannie Lou Hamer presented in Harlem, New York on December 20, 1964. She shared the platform with civil rights leader Malcolm X.

Although she had little formal education, Hamer skillfully used a public speaking technique called the narrative style. Her point was that the nation had a problem. A radical organizer might have called this a consciousness-raising speech. For, once one admits out loud that there was a problem, the solution – racial justice – becomes obvious.

Hamer’s simple thesis was that the United States had a values problem.  She put it like this near her conclusion: “And I’ve been tired so long, now I am sick and tired of being sick and tired, and we want to change.” She didn’t, however, prove her point with logic. In narrative style, a speaker doesn’t present an argument like this:

“I believe that X, Y, and Z because the following evidence and proof show that I am right…”

No, instead, in the narrative style, a speaker tells a story, and the audience draws a conclusion from the story. And narrative is less like a debater’s proof; it is more a matter of telling a story that gives a moral or lesson. Sometimes the speaker states the lesson out right, and sometimes the speaker lets the audience figure out what the point is for themselves. In her speech, Hamer told her story and pounded the lesson into her audience as if she were wielding a sledgehammer. 

Starting in her second paragraph, Hamer started her story:

“It was 31 August of 1962, the 18 of us traveled 26 miles to the country courthouse in Indianola, Mississippi, to try to register to become first-class citizens. It was 31 August 1962, that I was fired for trying to become a first-class citizen.”

That’s quite a narrative hook, isn’t it? And she didn’t say “register to vote.” She said, with incisive word choice, “try to register to become first-class citizens.” She continued her story:

“When we got to Indianola on 31 August 1962, we was met there by the state highway patrolmen, the city policemen and anybody – as some of you know that it worked in Mississippi, any white man that is able to wear khaki pair of pants without them falling off him and holding two guns can make a good law officer.” 

She then explained to taking the literacy test that was required for her to register to vote. She reported that the test had 21 questions. One of them asked “by whom are you employed – so we can be fired by the time we get back home.” She then had to copy and narrate an explanation of part of the state constitution. 

"The Law Can't Change the Heart, but It Can Restrain the Heartless:" Martin Luther King, Jr. 


After not being allowed to register, she explained that she traveled back home, only to discover that she had already lost her job. She then took refuge in a friend’s home only to find that:

“On 10 September 1962, 16 bullets were fired into the home of Mr. and Mrs. Robert Tucker, where I’d been living after I was fired from this plantation.”

She then hold how the FBI swarmed the community without managing to make a single arrest. She narrated how she later traveled to a voter education conference, when “a man jumped out of his car and said, “you are under arrest.” When she arrived in her jail cell, an officer asked where she was from, and she said she was from Ruleville. The officer said, “You’s from Ruleville all right and we are going to make you wish you was dead.” In matter-of-fact style, she explained that she endured several beatings, with one man replacing another when the first became too exhausted from swinging a blackjack at her. The beating left her with permanent injuries. 

Her story was spellbinding. She then responded to the old excuse that racial justice will take time:

“And you can always hear this long sob story: ‘You know it takes time.’ For three hundred years, we’ve given them time. And I’ve been tired so long, now I am sick and tired of being sick and tired, and we want a change.”

That was not the only excuse she refuted. When people want to pretend they are not doing evil, they tell lies. Hamer would have none of that:

“The truth is the only thing going is to free us. . . .  If we want America to be a free society we have to stop telling lies, that’s all. Because we’re not free and you know were not free.”

Her only proof was her story. However, everyone listening – and everyone reading her story today – knows perfectly well that her story could be told thousands of times over. That is what gave it power. That is what made it convincing. We all know that she did not suffer injustice alone. That is why her conclusion could take a broad sweep: 

“But this is something we going to have to learn to do and quit saying that we are free in America when I know we are not free. You are not free in Harlem. The people are not free in Chicago, because I’ve been there, too. They are not free in Philadelphia, because I’ve been there, too and when you get it over with all the way around, some of the places is a Mississippi in disguise. And we want a change.”

Decades later, after citing some poorly-informed statistics, Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts said that the South has changed. Well, of course, in many ways it has. African-Americans are no longer routinely arrested and beaten half to death just for trying to register to vote. Nevertheless, the sweeping voter suppression laws being proposed, and sometimes passed, around the nation show that many white people still fear minority votes. Fannie Lou Hamer’s battle is not over. We should take care to remember her story.

We human beings are not really all that logical. A good story can convince people faster than any kind of logical argument.

 

Research Note: For more information about the narrative method of persuasion, this article by Walter R. Fisher is a good place to begin.  

More about Fannie Lou Hamer

 

Wednesday, March 3, 2021

The Golden Trump Statue and Its Magic Wand at CPAC 2021: Do Conservatives Believe in Magic?

I still disintegrate into astonishment every time I think about the bizarre Golden Trump statue that was wheeled into the recent Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) at the Hyatt in Orlando, Florida. All public speaking takes place in a setting, and that setting helps create the speech’s meaning. Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address had special meaning because he gave it at a military cemetery dedication. Ronald Reagan’s “Tear Down This Wall” was powerful because he delivered it in front of the Berlin Wall. An American Flag gives speakers a patriotic background image. In turn, the CPAC speakers spoke down the hall from the Golden Trump statue. The statue was part of their context. 

What did the statue mean? What did it tell us? Well, where should I begin? My earlier post discussed the obvious sacrilege (at least in the Judeo-Christian tradition) of worshiping a golden idol. Should I next talk about the statue’s American Flag shorts? The kingly crown? (Patrick Henry warned us that our president could become a king!) The red sandals? Or the too-long red tie?


Did Patrick Henry Warn Us about Donald Trump? 


The Golden Trump at CPAC 2021: Why Is the Christian Right Silent? 

No, to me, the real message was the star-tipped magic wand that the statue waved in its hand.

 

A magic wand? The symbolism boggles the imagination. The magic wand represented Trump’s ability to provide simple, imaginary solutions to the complex problems that his supporters prefer to ignore.  

 

So, first, what is magic? If we ignore modern interpretations in Harry Potter and Charmed, and go back to its origins, magic uses ritualistic behavior from pagan religions. Most pagan religions are practical: people appeal to local gods for fertile crops, good health, romantic success, or the destruction of one’s enemies. Pagan religious practice often involves spell-casting rather than prayer: if the exact spell is recited with the exact, correct words, in the exact right way, it compels a goddess, tree-spirit, or love-god to fulfill a wish. In Homer’s Odyssey, various gods used magic wands to channel their power and place people under magic spells.

 

Life would be simple if magic actually worked. Yet, in real life, Trump did not wave a magic wand and stop the pandemic. Nor did he wave a magic wand and fix the economy. That’s because magic wands don’t actually work.

 

Suppose, for example, that we want to stop the coronavirus pandemic. Real solutions require effort: people could wear masks, avoid large gatherings, take vaccines, and so forth. Who needs that? How unpleasant! Trump famously predicted that the coronavirus epidemic would go away like a miracle. Much easier. That sounds, however, more like magic than science.

 

Well, the miracle didn’t happen. But the magic wand can accomplish many make-believe things. Maybe the Golden Trump idol can wave its magic wand and get Trump back into office? Maybe the magic wand could still give us a miraculous virus cure? Maybe the Golden Trump idol can wave its magic wand to make immigrants go away? (Since opposition to immigration was one of Trump’s main agenda items.)

 

No, course not. Facing real problems requires effort. We might need policies. We might need to spend money. We might need to change how we do things. We might need to learn from the school of hard knocks and do things differently.

 

But, if you are a Trump supporter at CPAC, who wants to do that? Isn’t waving a magic wand a lot simpler?

 

When I was in grade school, our teacher explained that ancient Sumerian kings read omens and entrails and consulted astrologers before they made important decisions. She assured us that such things didn’t happen in the United States. I’m afraid that she was wrong. President Ronald Reagan scheduled his news conferences only after his wife consulted an astrologer. And, now, Trump’s worshippers brought in a Golden Trump idol that could wave a magic wand and solve all of their problems.

 

By the way, of course Trump’s CPAC crowd were worshippers. A golden idol? A magic wand? Could they be more obvious?

 

Still, we all know that a magic wand won’t solve the nation’s problems.

 

The rhetorical implications are fabulous. First of all, CPAC attendees can, if challenged, deny everything. Yes, the wand is undeniable, but they can explain it away. The magic wand obviously symbolizes pagan magic, but since it is an image, not a policy document, they can reinterpret its meaning if someone challenges them. (I don’t think anyone has yet.) Yet, nobody needs to explain the magic wand to them; they can see it for themselves. Most of all, they can continue their fantasy that Trump’s supposedly miraculous powers can solve their problems without requiring them to engage in actual policy, make sacrifices, or face reality.

 

Lots of people believe in magic, but I never thought they would try to control the United States government with a magic wand.

 

 

P.S. Communication researchers have produced a rich and insightful literature about visual persuasion. A good introduction is this wonderful article by Katherine L. Hatfield, Ashley Hinck, and Mary J. Birkholt.

 

P.P.S. Since many CPAC speakers profess the Judeo-Christian religious tradition, what does the Bible say about magicians? Oops, it’s not good: “I will be a swift witness against the sorcerers, . .  saith the Lord of hosts.   --Malachi 3:5. Hmm.